Wednesday, November 7, 2007

Maxine R. Post 10

Maxine Rivera
Part I


At the beginnings of the anti-abortion movement the number of protesters was small and so the demonstrations were not very impressive or effective. There was emphasis on non-violence, so sit-ins were popular (as we know, sit-ins can be very effective, however a large number of people is generally required to make an impact.) As more people were drawn to the cause, some recruited, others searched for it, new personalities and ideas came to the movement. In Thomas and Risen's Wrath of Angels one such personality is discussed in chapter four. Michael Bray, the "father of violence" was not content to simply sit-in and pray for change, he wanted a more proactive approach, something that would grab attention and force people to deal with the issues. While he participated in peaceful protests, planned by O'Keefe, he wanted more. He found an outlet in Thomas Spinks. (p 83) Spinks was a fundamentalist who bombed abortion clinics to get his message across. Spinks worked alone, he and Bray became good friends, and while Bray did not go on bombing excursions with Spinks, he was extremely supportive. Bray and Spinks were not the only ones pushing the anti-abortion movement in a more violent direction, others like Joan Andrews and John Burt were pushing for a more violent approach prior to Pensacola as well. Andrews in fact, began her protesting career with the intention of breaking into an abortion clinic and damaging whatever she could, she was unsuccessful at first, but determination earned her success and a prison sentence. (p 190) John Burt was no stranger to violence, "a former Marine, former Klansmen," he owned a halfway house for girls where he employed corporal punishment. (p 195) He and Joan Andrews were arrested together at The Ladies Center Clinic in 1986, he was charged with assault among the other offenses. (p 201) While Andrews was in prison, new leaders like Randall Terry promoted violence in the movement, "street level tactics... trash clinic offices, throwing furniture and abortion equipment out clinic windows and down into the street." (p 207) Bombers were doing their part to gain publicity for the movement with events such as the Christmas bombings of 1984 by Matthew Goldsby and James Simmons (p 198) As time passed the protesters became more militant, the young leaders were going in a different direction, "When early leaders such as O'Keefe and Lee began to fade away, so did their theories about 'a peaceful presence.'" (p 192) This is not to say that their contributions were not important or impacting, the early, peaceful leaders are what sparked the movement, what drew the new, proactive leaders to demand change in their forceful way.

This change took place because people like Bray and Burt did not feel that the nonviolent approach was bringing enough attention to the cause. Bombings, violence, and arrests caught the attention of the press (at first only local and religious press, but eventually national) and demonstrators like Scheidler and Burt began to adopt "no press is bad press" and "as-long-as-the-spell-my-name-right" policies about the media. (p 200) This seemed to be an effective strategy because with press came attention to the issue, some people were completely unaware of the issue and therefore had not picked a side, the coverage, whether good or bad brought the war on abortion to the public eye and brought supporters to the cause.

Publicity was not the only factor that encouraged change from a small nonviolent movement to a national scale, more militant, movement, much of the change also came from guilt. Associate Pastor Steve Zepp was guilted into the movement by Shofner's radio attack on hypocritical pastors. (p 196) Bray charged Ericksen with sin for not acting out. (p 85) Basically protesters changed their methods for several reasons, one of which being that the old way wasn't getting results and this new, more violent approach gained attention and thus, supporters, and a second reason is that they felt duty-bound to forcefully oppose the murder of babies.
Part II

In God, Politics and Protest, Rory McVeigh and David Sikkink provide two ways that "religion can facilitate social protest." Each of these is evident in the anti-abortion movement and in Randall Terry's involvement in the movement. The first is that there must be a "perceived threat to deeply held religious beliefs or values" and the second is that "specific religious beliefs that characterize life as a struggle between forces of good and evil may carry over to acceptance of the contentious tactics of protest." (p 1427) Terry being a Christian believed murder was wrong, he also believed abortion was the murder of a baby, thus abortion was wrong. The legalization of abortion was essentially the legalization of murder of the innocent, this is a clear example of evil. So, according to McVeigh and Sikkink, Terry meets the two main requirements for someone who has been inspired to participate in social protest by religion. In Wrath, Thomas and Risen explain that the Evangelical Church was "booming" at the time Terry proposed action, and why Terry figured that fundamentalists would be a good group to reach out to. (p 206) "The 'activist faith' of evangelicals calls for a public presence of Christians in all aspects of life, including protest." (God, Politics, and Protest, 1430) Not only does the faith support taking action against evils in "all aspects of life," the fundamentalist ministers are not tied to the hierarchy of the Catholic Church. Their independence makes them ideal, they could bring their "flock" with them, without checking with bishops, cardinals, the Pope, etc. to see if participation was okay. (Wrath 206)


Part III


69 More Opponents Of Abortion Jailed In Atlanta Protests
http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=940DE1D61F39F934A3575BC0A96E948260

CLINIC BOMB TRIAL TOLD OF DISORDERS



In comparison with Thoman and Risen's summaries of the anti-abortion events, the authors of these two articles were very removed. In Wrath of Angels Risen and Thomas seemed to present the people involved in the movement as heroes, not that they necessarily agreed with every one of their moves, but that they acknowledged that there was a kind of honor in fighting for what you believe in. In the Times articles above, the tone is nonpartisan, they simply relate the facts of the situations. In the first article they tell of a demonstration protesting abortion and Joan Andrew's imprisonment. Randall Terry was among the arrested, the author provides quotes, but no personal opinion. The same holds true for the second article which tells of the trial of Goldsby and Simmons and their respective partners. Each was diagnosed with mental disorders, at the end of the article, the author tells of how Miss Wiggins sobbed as she insisted that she was unaware of the plan, but there is no noticeable tone of pity. The reason for this lack of opinionated writing in the newspaper is that the New York Times is a fairly well known, widely read paper. The editors probably would not want their articles to seem like they were taking a side and risk losing customers or causing even more controversy.

Photos, on the other hand, need not worry about proper wording to keep customers. Photos tell things the way they are, without bias (or so we are to believe.) The photo above is propaganda for the anti-abortion cause. The image of the baby's unattached head above is very powerful, more powerful than an unopinionated article in a widely read newspaper, or a homemade sign that reads "STOP ABORTION NOW!!!" The photograph makes abortion seem real, it is not an abstract concept, it is not a way to solve a problem, it is the "destruction" of a life, to quote Bernard Nathanson in The Silent Scream. Text is undoubtedly very powerful, but in this particular instance, and for the purposes of the Pro Life movement, images hold even more power. The film The Silent Scream made me nauseous, and I imagine it had similar affect on others. I could have read about the process of abortion, but i could easily wipe words from my memory, the image will not go as easily. I am personally Pro Choice, but the film did make me think, and even more importantly, feel.



4 comments:

Anonymous said...

Maxine, I strongly agree with what you said about the photo of the baby’s unattached head. The textual leaves much to the imagination; the visual explicitly divulges its contents to the viewer thereby allowing them to interpret them as they wish. Images are innately able to convey complex ideas and concepts quickly and effectively; instantaneously evoking deep emotions in their viewers. The pervasive power images have on altering beliefs, emotions, and behavior, in individuals derives from their divine ability to ingrain themselves instantaneously into the mind. The brain does not require images to be as carefully analytically reasoned as rhetoric in order to extrapolate meaning; we can look at, remember, and be moved by an image that we have not really thoroughly scrutinized. This photo is an extremely powerful image for the pro-life movement because it blatantly depicts the brutal reality of abortion. A graphically disturbing image like this not only has the ability to provoke disgust and outrage in individuals, but can ultimately make them question or even reevaluate their own beliefs about abortion.

Anonymous said...

I'm willing to bet that the photo you linked to is not of a first-trimester abortion. I can't be sure, but I recall learning, in both biology and psychology classes, that hair does not develop on the head until weeks into the second trimester. In fact, the hair that first develops on the head is a very fine hair (called lanugo) and hair does not because coarse until the third trimester. In my opinion, the hair on that fetus's head looks quite visible rather than fine. Again, I can not be sure about this because I can't actually feel the hair for myself to determine its texture (yech). Even if there is confusion as to whether this is a first-trimester abortion or whether it is a later, more complicated abortion, it still strengthens your position on labeling the image as propaganda. Unfortunately, as both you and Jessica stated, the image still holds the power of persuasion to those acting on the peripheral route. I simply wish that more would question the validity of images such as this, rather than letting their emotions run wildly rampant before attempting even a stab at logical thinking or research.

Unknown said...

yeah right! and the actual human being is the fetus not the woman!
Imagine a 14-year-old girl who gets raped and pregnant. You brutally condemn her to leave school and endure all that pain and give birth to a baby at a very young age, and then take care of it!!
I can't imagine how much hatred you should have inside you!

Da Martyr said...

Most people who have abortions can not incorporate the responsibility of having a child in their hedonistic self-centered life styles. The extreme small percentage that are done because of rape can not be used to defend this modern day holocaust. Check out this anti-abortion rap song.